First, Station Eleven by Emily St. John Mandel, which I did actually finish in July, deserves a mention. I think George R. R. Martin's description of the book as "wonderfully elegaic" is spot-on. It's a postapocalyptic tale in which a plague devastates the globe; bands of survivors must make their way in a world largely deprived of technology and other infrastructure. There are a couple of threads that connect, or almost connect, including the pre-plague story of Canadian Shakespearian Arthur Leander actor and the post-plague story of Kirsten, a member of the Travelling Symphony who as a child had a walk-on role in Leander's production of Lear. Most of the novel muses on the value of art (including through a storyline pertaining to a mysterious comic book that almost seemed to me a homage to Moore's Watchmen). While there were some aspects of plot that didn't fully satisfy (the central villain seems pretty easily defeated after being built up quite a bit), Mandel is a prose stylist in the Hemingway tradition.
August
turned out to be the start of a big nonfiction push, mostly focused around
religion and anthropology. I started off with Religious Fundamentalism by Peter Herriot, a book that sets out to
thoroughly define “fundamentalism” and show how it applies at personal,
interpersonal, social group, and societal levels. What attracted me to Herriot’s
exploration originally was that he thoroughly acknowledges and explores the
similarities among fundamentalisms of many different traditions, including
Jewish and Christian as well as Muslim traditions. I wasn’t sure about his
5-point definition of fundamentalism – some of the principles were so generic
as to apply to just about any religion or group (he freely admits that it is
not the descriptors themselves that are unique to fundamentalism, but their
combination, with particular emphasis on the reactiveness of fundamentalism). I’m not sold on the essential reactiveness of fundamentalism; this
seems a term even trickier to define that “fundamentalist” and likely to be
applied selectively. I also found his emphasis on fundamentalism as a twentieth-century
phenomenon to be problematic – it seems to me false and entirely arbitrary to
deny the label of fundamentalist to the original followers of al-Wahabbi or to
early Anabaptists. While it’s valuable, to have a fairly dispassionate and
systematic study of the topic, I found much of the text dry and repetitive (Herriot
shows his business background in many ways; the bullet points near the end of
each chapter are indeed accurate summaries). Highlights of the book are the illustrative
case studies, ranging from a close study of a George W. Bush speech to profiles
of an Israeli conservative group and an al-Qaeda cell.
I then moved to a classic that has been
on my to-read list for years (at least 15) – Mircea Eliade’s Shamanism. I think my expectations were
simply set too high, for while I found the book interesting, I didn’t find it
packed with profundity. (Eliade corresponded with Jung and is frequently cited
by Campbell, but Shamanism doesn’t
reach the ranks of Man and His Symbols,
The Hero’s Journey, or The Mythic
Imagination for me. Part of that no doubt is that I was already familiar with
the gist of Eliade’s argument.) I found some of his distinctions forced and
resented his often condescending approach any time women are involved in shamanic
practice (Eliade uses discounts such instances as mere mediumship or
witchcraft). The introduction to my edition had a brief, interesting forward by
Wendy Doniger that talked about the shortcomings and real contributions of
Eliade and other scholars of comparative religion and “armchair anthropologists.”
I moved on to more contemporary studies
of witchcraft and shamanship, some newly acquired and others the long-hoarded
fruits of past visits to the Heartwood bookstore. In Darkness and Secrecty: The Anthropology of Asault Sorcery and
Witchcraft in Amazonia, edited by Neil L. Whitehead and Robin Wright and
published by Duke University Press, is an interesting collection of academic
(some highly academic) articles on shamanship in South America, with a focus on
“dark shamanship” that in large part seeks to counterbalance overly-positive
(and New Agey) depictions of shamans. The editors reject a distinction between “witchcraft”
and “shamanship,” and most articles focus on how shamanic practice is customized
to particular community needs or practices. There is a detailed depiction of
shamanship in Warao cosmology; several articles looking at historical intersections
or contemporary conflicts to find connections between shamanship and politics;
and an exploration of child sorcery and its consequences (accused sorcerers
were frequently executed).
The Modernity of
Witchcraft by
Peter Geschiere and Witchcraft, Power and
Politics by Isak Niehaus with Eliazaar Mohlala and Kally Shokane document
African witchcraft in Cameroon and South Africa. Geschiere, writing in 1997,
cautions against discounting witchcraft beliefs as vestiges of a primitive past
that will be swept away in a modern, global society (or as the exaggerations of
patronizing and racist colonizers, despite admitted misreadings and over-emphasis
of witchcraft beliefs by many Western scholars); he shows how strongly-held
witchcraft beliefs continue to be a part of African society, and indeed how
witchcraft beliefs and have changed and practitioners have interacted with other
power brokers over time, so that witchcraft has at times been a modernizing (or
at least uniting) force rather than a conservative one. The real problems or
challenges of witchcraft beliefs are in no way overlooked, and Geschiere
devotes considerable attention to accusations and punishments of witchcraft
both within the judicial system and extrajudicially. Niehaus and his local
collaborators have a similar focus, showing how witchcraft cases changed along
with social tensions related to South African relocation of indigenous peoples,
politics, and economics, including case studies of witch hunts in the 1990s.
With his local collaborators, Niehaus presents numerous stories, analyzing the
different types of witches and witchcraft beliefs reported and incorporating many
colloquial and Sotho terms. Both studies of African witchcraft point out the
power of occult practitioners (who have the power to cure as well as curse, but
in doing so typically must identify the source of the curse as someone either within
or outside the community) to both support local chiefs or serve as checks on
their power, although in contemporary times, their power to challenge the elite
may have lessened. Witches can be players in resource redistribution, often
accusing those who have failed to give back to the community; they can bind
communities together by accusing scapegoat figures such as strangers and the
powerless; at the same time, they are always at least in part outsiders and at
risk themselves.
Shamans of the Foye
Tree by
Ana Mariella Bacigalupo returns to South America, focusing on gender identity
and expression among the machi, Chilean
Mapuche shamans. Although the Mapuche indigenous peoples have been forcibly
relocated and excluded from many economic opportunities (much like American
Indians in the U.S.), the tone of this book is optimistic overall, and
Bacigalupo focuses on the positive ways individual Mapuche machi express themselves. Currently, a majority of Mapuche shamans are
women, but the opposite was likely true historically: machi were most often men who nevertheless sometimes presented themselves
in feminized ways (including by wearing women’s clothes and headdresses). While
there’s no simple parallel between gender roles in today’s America and Mapuche
traditions, it’s likely that many were (and are) homosexual. Bacigalupo
describes “co-gendered” male machi. The
change over time is likely due to the influence of Western colonizing culture,
including Spanish machismo, which set
aside little space for non-binary or fluid gender roles. Bacigalupo interviews
both male and female machi, asking their opinions on their practice, their
colleagues, politics, gender roles, sex, and marriage. She follows their
practices closely, describing healing (the machi
mainstay) and community rituals. She investigates how modern-day machi interact with or ignore the
systematized, medical model of the national healthcare system. The foye tree of
the title refers to a tree carved with notches, climbed by shamans during
rituals as part of an ecstatic, celestial journey, referenced by Eliade.
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